ETHICS
IN THE WORLD RELIGIONS
Edited
by Joseph Runzo and Nancy M. Martin
Introduction:
Inter-Religious Understanding
Nancy M. Martin
The challenge of
inter-religious understanding has a new urgency and new dimensions in our
day and for our increasingly global
world community, but this challenge has been with us for a long time. In some
parts of the world, like India, the encounter with people from different
religious traditions has been a daily fact of life for centuries. Hindus of
many different persuasions - Buddhists, Muslims, Jains, Sikhs, Christians, and
even small and very ancient communities of Jews and Parsis - have long lived
together in villages across the South Asian subcontinent and have shared each
other's holy days and rituals, honored each other's saints, and debated and
appreciated each other's religious teachings. Medieval poet-saints like Kabir
have called for Hindus and Muslims to realize the sameness of the God they
worship, just as there have also sometimes been violent conflicts, particularly
when religion, communal identity, and politics have been interwoven.
We can learn much from
the Indian case, for the inter-religious encounter there has not been abstract
but personal and immediate. Take for example one recent evening when I was in
western Rajasthan in north India, not far from the Indian border with southern
Pakisthan. Darkness had fallen and a dozen people converged on the courtyard
outside a simple, small dwelling. The visitors, dressed in finery for the
occasion, were directed to sit outside on string cots covered with brightly
colored fabric mats, and a kerosene lamp was brought to offer a soft circle of
light. Everyone's spirits were high, and there was great anticipation of the
meal to come. This was a time of celebration. The Muslim hosts were observing
one of the five pillars of Islam - fasting between sunrise and sundown everyday
for the entire lunar month of Ramadan - and the day's fasting had come to an
end. There was much laughter and conversation, and the spicy array of goat meat
and vegetables with fresh flat bread called chapatis or rotis was eaten with
relish (though some did not partake of the meat).
Gathered in that
courtyard were Muslims but also Jains, Hindus, and Christians. Though this was
a distinctly religious occasion and a decidedly Muslim one, it was joyously
shared by others of different faiths - a difference that was not merely
tolerated but celebrated, enjoyed, relished. Similar gatherings are held
throughout the month of Ramadan in many villages and on the occasions of other
Hindu and Muslim holy days. In this village world, those belonging to other
religions are friends and neighbors, and this mutual appreciation and
celebration is much more characteristic of India than the sporadic violence
inflamed by religious rhetoric which is the stuff of newspaper articles or
television news.
Unlike in India, in
many parts of the world it was possible until quite recently to live without
truly encountering people with radically different religious beliefs. But it is
now becoming increasingly impossible and, indeed, undesirable, to live in
religiously homogeneous or isolated communities. And though dialogue might
begin with an attempt to explain the teachings of one's own tradition to
another (possibly with the intent of conversion) and with the comparison of
religious experience, it often very quickly moves into the exploration of how
we might be able to live harmoniously with one another, treating each other
with dignity and respect, and how we might work together for the betterment of
the world.
Perhaps we might never
reconcile divergent religious worldviews and truth claims, but dialogue can
lead to a firmer basis for mutual action in the world, for standing together to
denounce injustice and to promote the welfare of all. If we are going to work
together, we will need to understand each other, to find our common ground, and
to learn to appreciate and even celebrate our differences. The majority of the
world's population is religious, and although some continue to predict the
imminent demise of the world religions, these religions are playing an
increasing rather than decreasing role on the world stage. So much of our
understanding of what is right and wrong and how we think about the way we
should act in the world is grounded in our understanding of the nature and
meaning of life, an understanding that for the majority of the people in the
world is circumscribed by religion.
Potentially the world
religions have much to offer. Their potential power is evidenced by the
continuing political use of religion. But the challenges before us are great
and global in scale - famine in a world of surplus; violent ethnic conflict;
the horrific violation of rights and human dignity based on gender, race,
sexual orientation, and political affiliation; the exploitation and destruction
of the environment. We will need all the resources we can muster, and this
includes the powerful ethical motivation that flows from the committed
religious life, whether one is a Muslim or a Buddhist or a Confucian or a
Christian.
In the global
twenty-first century, inter-religious understanding is not an optional or idle
intellectual pursuit. This volume and the larger series of which it is a part,
"The Library of Global Ethics and Religion," take up the challenge to
further mutual understanding among religions, particularly with regard to the
basic ethical principles they hold and the resources they might bring to their
adherents and to the global community as we face pressing ethical challenges.
This focus on ethics is a fundamental characteristic of inter-religious
encounter at the beginning of the twenty-first century. But how did we get to
this point?
Inter-Religious
Encounter in the Past
Religions have always
been in conversation with each other, especially those in geographic proximity
and particularly when what will become a new religion is in its formative
stages. Clearly early Judaism had to come to terms with the religions of the
surrounding people in order to differentiate itself and then maintain that
distinctive identity. That this was no easy task is clear from the references
to the Canaanites and others in the Hebrew scriptures. And the question of how
much to adapt to changing circumstances and cultural contexts and what elements
are essential to being a Jew is a recurring theme in the history of Judaism,
separating the distinctive branches of reform, conservative, and orthodox
Judaism today.
Christianity began
within Judaism, and its earliest members, including its leader Jesus, understood
themselves to be Jewish. Only with time did the followers of Jesus come to
understand themselves as a new and distinct tradition, in part as a response to
non-Jewish converts who questioned whether following the laws of Judaism was
essential to the central teachings of Jesus. Muhammad grew up among Jews and
Christians and saw his revelation as directly in line with that of the Jewish
and Christian traditions. It was their resistance to his revelation more than
anything else that first drew the line between them.
In South Asia six
centuries before the birth of Jesus and twelve hundred years before Muhammad,
Buddhism and Jainism grew up along with the Upanishadic traditions of Hinduism,
reacting against some aspects of the existing tradition while embracing others.
Indeed until only very recently, many Jains identified themselves as being
within the inclusive fold of Hinduism (though now because of the politicization
of religion in contemporary India and the assigning of special privileges to
religious minorities, it has become expedient to assert Jain separateness).
Daoism and Confucianism grew up together in China also from the sixth century
BCE, and in part defined themselves against each other. In the Daoist
philosopher Chuang Tzu's humorous stories, Confucius and his followers often
appear as the misguided foil to a Daoist adept. When Buddhism entered China
around 0 CE, these traditions were well established, and there was initial
resistance to Buddhist monastic leanings as antithetical to the central value
placed on family in Confucianism.
New forms of Buddhism
arose in China. Two schools, T'ien T'ai and Hua-yen, reflected the Chinese
(both Daoist and Confucian) focus on harmony by integrating the various and
sometimes seemingly conflicting Buddhist teachings and texts into unified
systems, and Ch'an (Zen) emerged out of the confluence of Buddhism and Daoism.
Confucianism responded to Buddhism by developing a meditational inner dimension
in its Neo-Confucian forms. But these religions also co-exist in the lives of
individuals who, in Japan for example, identify themselves as followers of
Buddhism, Shinto, and Confucianism, with these different traditions seen not as
competitive but as playing different roles and answering different needs in a
single life. Indeed one might even be both a Christian and a Buddhist; as
Japanese Christian friends explained to me, they are culturally Buddhist,
incorporating many Buddhist elements into their lives, and religiously
Christian.
Colonialism,
Denigration, and Romanticization
When religions are not
in geographic proximity, or when that proximity involves only isolated
individuals or is the result of slavery or colonial domination, then
inter-religious understanding is often more limited, as we find in early encounters
between "Western" Christians and "other" religions such as
Hinduism and Buddhism. Though some of the writings of travelers, missionaries,
and colonializers showed deep appreciation, most accounts were marked by an
emphasis on the "otherness," the utter differentness of those
encountered. As European Christendom has often done with Muslims, what they saw
was an inverse of themselves - an "other" who was alternately exotic
or the embodiment of either all those things they wished they were or all the
things they did not want to admit they were or potentially might be. In the
latter case, this often meant that the "other" was seen as backward,
stupid, childlike, superstitious, weak, cruel, immoral, and, in the colonialist
rhetoric of hyper-masculinity, effeminate. An example of today's version of
this would be the false images perpetuated in the American media of all Muslims
as violent terrorists who oppress women.
Many Christians saw
"polytheists" everywhere (a term whose meaning is primarily "not
monotheist") and the unsaved who, if not converted, were all destined for
eternal damnation. Such a view left little room for an appreciation of the
religions of these "others." Further when Protestant Christians
looked at Hindu ritual practice, they saw what seemed to be both the idolatry
condemned in the Hebrew scriptures and the kind of superstition and blind
slavery to priests that they had rejected in the name of Enlightenment
rationality and the Reformation. Such an understanding (or lack thereof) bolstered
the British justification of their right to rule over India - they were, after
all, moral people who could justify ruling over others only if they saw
themselves as superior and helping an inferior people.
On the other hand,
some European colonial officers and certain early scholars saw in India a
mystic and spiritual depth that seemed to have been lost in the industrial
revolution and materialistic focus of the West. They romanticized India. But
again, what they saw was a reflection of themselves rather than India or
Hinduism in itself. (This kind of romanticization is with us still,
particularly in the way Buddhism is seen in America today. The strictness of
the true Zen Buddhist monastic life in Japan would quickly shatter most
American images of Buddhism.) At the same time, some Indians in South Asia,
struggling to define themselves and reclaim their own heritage in the face of
British colonial domination and technological superiority, also embraced the
idea of Hindu spiritual superiority. They accepted the critiques of Hindu
ritual practices and located the true Hindu tradition in the distant past and
the texts of the Upanishads and interpretations of the Vedas that they claimed
were the more ancient and true.
Though there is
considerable variation in the nature of interaction through the nineteenth
century, inter-religious encounter was marked primarily by a sense of the
radical difference between world religions.
The First
Parliament of the World's Religions
In 1893, however, a
watershed event took place in the history of inter-religious encounter for the
West. The Parliament of World Religions was organized at the World's Fair in
Chicago, with the intent of bringing together leaders of the world's religions
to promote inter-religious understanding (though the organizers were primarily
American Protestant Christians). Many of those invited refused to attend - the
Archbishop of Canterbury would not come, since he considered only Christianity
to be true; the Sultan of Turkey's similar refusal prompted the Arab Islamic
nations to do likewise; and Japanese Zen monks tried in vain to persuade their
master Soyen Shaku that it would be unseemly for him to go to such an
uncivilized country as the United States. The hope of the organizers of the
Parliament, however, was to provide a venue where leaders of each tradition
could present their traditions to each other without condemnation.
Although the Christian
delegates showed an open appreciation of other traditions, they did not see
them as the equal of Christianity. Japanese Buddhists openly challenged
Christian judgment of their tradition because the Christians knew little about
Buddhism, and, encountering signs banning Japanese from some establishments,
claimed that they preferred to remain "heathens" if this prejudicial
treatment represented Christian ethical behavior. Further they challenged the
notion that only one religion could be right or that people must follow only
one - in Japan this was not the case.
Swami Vivekananda of
India made perhaps the greatest impact. Vivekananda spoke from the Bhagavad
Gita of the multiple paths of Hinduism and the unity of all.
"Hinduism" is itself an inclusivist term, originally coined by
outsiders and referring merely to the people on the other side of the Indus
(that is, on the whole South Asian subcontinent) and later applied to the wide
range of religious orientations found in this geographic region. But the
fundamental affirmation of the oneness of Ultimate Reality in Hindu traditions
also supports an inclusiveness that is widespread, even among unsophisticated
and formally uneducated Hindus. When I was riding on a bus through rural
Rajasthan, a poor farmer asked me who my ishtadev was (in what form did
I worship God?). Seeking to show understanding, I spoke of God being one. The
man said rather impatiently, well of course God is one, but who is your ishtadev?
On a grander scale, Vivekananda's teacher Ramakrishna had visionary encounters
with Muhammad and with Christ which affirmed the ultimate unity of religious paths.
Although many delegates at the Parliament were not yet ready to accept this
Hindu inclusivity, they were deeply impressed with Vivekananda's philosophical
and theological presentation of Hinduism, which offered them an appealing
glimpse of a tradition radically different from their previous understandings.
There was a general
call toward universality and common ground at the Parliament and an affirmation
that revelation was not confined to any one tradition and that all had
perceptions of truth and the real. Ethical considerations were raised, both
challenging the religious institutions themselves and also calling for
religious people to work together and to strive to live up to their own high
ideals. Critical voices, such as Elizabeth Cady Stanton, who was in the process
of writing The Woman's Bible at the time, spoke out against racism and
sexism across traditions and called for attention to the plight of the poor.
Notably, however, there was a complete silence with regard to Native American
traditions - it was as if Americans were as completely blind to these
"other" religions as they had been to practitioners of various
African indigenous religious traditions and African Muslims among the slave
populations. Forced conversion to Christianity marked much of the encounter
with Native traditions, with European Americans seemingly unable to recognize
these other traditions as religions, and the massacre at Wounded Knee had
happened only three years before.
Commonality and
Difference
After the first Parliament
true inter-religious dialogue began in earnest. The intensive translation work
that was initiated in the nineteenth century continued and increased, making a
vast array of new material available to the wider world, and there was a shift
away from the radical "othering" of different traditions toward a
search for the commonality between traditions.
Religious experience
and particularly mystical experience seemed to be a point where the traditions
might meet, for the descriptions of those experiences sounded similar and often
seemed to transcend the particulars of doctrine and practice. William James
published The Varieties of Religious Experience in 1902, mapping out the
characteristics of a mystical experience that is seemingly common to all
religions and beyond the distinctive content of particular religious beliefs.
The German scholar Rudolph Otto explored this issue further in The Idea of
the Holy (1923) and Mysticism East and West (1932), offering his now
famous notion of the encounter with the Divine as the numinous - mysterium
tremendom and fascinans, invoking in the human being a sense of awe and
humility, passion and yearning, and the experience of the "wholly
other." In so doing, he was reclaiming for religion the suprarational
experience of this reality, a consciousness of which must be awakened in us
rather than taught (and arguing against the "masters of suspicion" -
Feuerbach, Freud, and Marx - who had radically challenged the validity of all
religion).
Even as he found this
universal, however, Otto's language remained thoroughly Christian - the
commonality he saw was a "like us" kind of commonality - a reflection
of his own Christian context. As he developed his comparison between East and
West, he showed a deep appreciation for Shankara, the eighth-century formulator
of Advaita Vedanta, but in the end it was clear that he made his comparison in
order to judge traditions. In the final analysis his judgment was a resounding
affirmation of Christianity which he saw as the culmination of the evolution of
the spiritual consciousness of humanity, even as Christian delegates attending
the Parliament in 1893 had. And much of the comparative study in the first half
of the twentieth century shared this same orientation (although James managed
largely to avoid this pitfall).
The openness in the
West to the possibility that religions other than Christianity might contain
truth began to encompass wider and wider circles. In the radical reforms of the
most recent council of the Roman Catholic Church, Vatican II, in the early
1960s, the Dogmatic Constitution regarding Catholic attitudes toward the other
religions of the world is inclusivist, affirming that there may be truth in
other religions, calling for respect for their practices and teachings, and encouraging
dialogue and the acknowledgment and support of "the spiritual and moral
goods found among these [people], as well as the values of their society and
culture." Although still asserting the final and ultimate truth of
Christianity, the roots of this inclusivist vision are traced back in the
document to the writings of the early church fathers.
We must keep in mind
that what we recognize as common we too often assume is just like us, imposing
our meanings and experiences on those of others. Indeed some academics reacted
against such claims of religious commonality and sameness for this reason,
asserting that religions are in fact so radically different that they cannot be
compared. The emphasis shifted to preserving and exploring difference as the pendulum
swung back to the need to recognize that other religious traditions were not
simply variants of "us." A positive result of this swing was that
scholars became much more careful about speaking in generalities about other
traditions (and their own) and much more attentive to their assumptions and
positioning within a given tradition. But not everyone accepted such a radical
return to seeing other religions as completely different from one's own.
During the latter
decades of the twentieth century, dialogue between religious leaders to enhance
understanding began in earnest. Following the model of the early Parliament,
this was first and foremost an explanation and defense of one's own tradition
to another. But progressing beyond this, the dialogue included using the
other's tradition to then explain one's own tradition in their terms by
comparison and contrast. A fine example of this can be found in the work of the
Kyoto School Zen philosophers who worked to explain Buddhism through a
comparison with Western philosophy and Christianity. The aim was not to convert
one's dialogue partners but to deepen understanding. Key is a recognition and
mutual appreciation, across the boundaries of religious traditions, of a common
spiritual depth coming out of disciplined religious practice, though there
might not be agreement on metaphysical and theological issues. The Catholic
Church in particular has sponsored formal dialogues between Catholics and
leaders and practitioners of Judaism, Islam, Hinduism, Buddhism, and other
branches and denominations within the Christian fold.
In addition to
promoting mutual understanding, these encounters often led to the rediscovery
of forgotten elements and untapped potential within the participants' own
traditions. The Archbishop of Canterbury and the Sultan of Turkey had seen no
reason for dialogue in 1893, but Buddhists and Christians gained much from
their encounters in the next century. In the case of Christianity, the
encounter with Buddhism (and forms of Hinduism) led to a re-examination of the
meditative prayer traditions within medieval Christianity as religious leaders
asked why young people raised within their fold might be turning to other
traditions - what was missing from the Christianity they were being taught?
Some Roman Catholics also began to practice Zen-style meditation in a Catholic
context, even in monasteries. Buddhists like Thich Nhat Hanh in turn
encountered Christian charity in practice and recognized these practicing
Christians as embodying the Buddhist ideal of the bodhisattva in a way
that most Buddhists were not encouraged to do. Out of this realization came the
movements for socially engaged Buddhism drawing Buddhist compassion into the
realm of social action. Christians did not become Buddhists or Buddhists
Christians, but the practice of each was enhanced in the encounter.
Two more Parliaments
of the World Religions were also convened in 1993 and 1999, the first in
Chicago and the second in Cape Town. These gatherings again provided a forum
for religious leaders to present their traditions to receptive audiences
seeking deeper understanding and appreciation and were marked by celebrations
of the abundant richness of human religiosity. But they also had a central
focus on ethical action. At the 1993 gathering, under the leadership of Hans
Kung, delegates issued an "Initial Declaration for a Global Ethic."
It was clear to all concerned that religions had both a power and an obligation
to provide leadership in the ethical realm. The aim of this project was to find
a common ground - a shared floor to begin building ethical consensus - one
marked by a commitment to "nonviolence and respect for life,"
"solidarity and a just economic order," "tolerance and a life of
truthfulness," and "equal rights and the partnership of men and
women." Given the history of earlier "universalizing," any such
attempts must be approached with great caution, but members of the world's
religions and organizers of the Parliament felt very strongly that the world
religions had an ethical role to play, and this was one way to begin the
discussion.
At the third meeting
of the Parliament in Cape Town this focus on ethics continued with a call to
the guiding social, political, economic, and religious institutions of the
world to act for a more just and peaceful world. When the Dalai Lama addressed
the Parliament in the final days, he took this commitment one step further,
calling delegates and religious leaders to join together to engage in concrete
action - to go to Bosnia, for example - to make a real difference in the world.
And parliamentary debate of the call to guiding institutions resulted in many
participants finding specific ways to bring about change in the institutions in
which they participated in their home countries. This represents an immense
shift from a century before, when the focus was primarily on listening and
coming to understand each other.
Let me offer one
concrete example of the kind of inter-religious action the Dalai Lama was
advocating, again from India. In early 2000, a Christian missionary and his two
children were burned alive in their hut. Ostensibly this was because they were
converting people, and Hindus had to defend their faith against such
incursions. But such violent anti-Christian sentiment is not the norm in India,
and further investigation showed the killings to be politically motivated.
Leaders of all the religions of India and beyond - Christians, Jains, Sikhs,
Hindus, Parsis, Jews, and Buddhists - came to that place to honor this man who
had served lepers for years as a physician and to denounce this kind of
violence couched in religious terms. Such solidarity across religious lines
offered a powerful and very public challenge to the individuals and
institutions who would perpetuate such acts even as it diffused retaliatory
violence.
Ethics in the
World Religions for the Twenty-First Century
As we move into the
twenty-first century, there is a need to affirm both commonality and difference
in religious perspectives on ethical issues. Religious differences need not be
a "problem" to be eliminated but may rather be a source of expansion
and creative interchange, as important as biodiversity for our mutual
flourishing. Christian liberation theologies, engaged Buddhism, and the
nonviolence of Gandhi all prefigure what must be a part of religion's
increasing role in this new millennium, as an active force for social change.
In the first volume of
this series, entitled The Meaning of Life in the World Religions, John
Hick suggests that religions offer a source of "cosmic optimism" - a
deep source of hope in the face of the world's struggles. And Huston Smith
echoes this, suggesting that, by addressing life's most fundamental problems
and most profound suffering and by offering the greatest possible hope, religion
provides the greatest possible motivation to solve these problems and also
posits the unequaled support of divine grace. Keith Ward further suggests that
those of us who are religious will do well both to recognize that we all travel
toward similar transformations of our individual selves into people marked by
"wisdom, compassion, and bliss" who act in care for others rather
than for self alone, and to agree to travel together encouraging our hopes and
supporting shared ethical action grounded in our different but not necessarily
conflicting senses of ultimate purpose and meaning. Though religion may not be
an absolutely necessary ingredient for a meaningful life, these scholars affirm
the unparalleled power of a religious perspective to give greater meaning,
hope, and motivation - all deeply needed in our world today.
The essays in this
volume take up the challenge of inter-religious understanding and examine the
ethical resources offered by the world religions. The volume begins with an
exploration of the fundamental connection between ethics and religion and the
possibilities and difficulties of understanding and finding agreement across
traditions. Joseph Runzo sets the framework for the discussion by analyzing the
nature of ethics and the relation of the moral life to the religious life. He
argues that "metaphysics drives ethics," and explores the manner in
which people from different religious traditions and thus with different
metaphysics might reach ethical agreement. To that end, he defines the moral
point of view and addresses what place religion might have in a global ethic.
Keith Ward then explores the possible basis for such a global ethic,
identifying benevolence, truthfulness, liberty, and justice as basic shared
moral values, though they may be interpreted differently across religious
traditions. The most important contribution of religions to the search for a
universal ethic, he argues, is in terms of both the emphasis within religious
traditions on the need to overcome ego-centeredness and the affirmation that
these highest values are not only arrived at by human reflection but are truly
grounded in reality itself.
James Kellenberger
then explores the nature of moral diversity, setting forth a notion of moral
pluralism that parallels John Hick's religious pluralism and arguing for the
pre-eminent importance of relationships as the ground for moral decision
making, a theme that will be picked up in other chapters as well. According to
him, a fundamental affirmation of basic human relationships lies at the heart
of the religious perspective and the religious motivation for ethical action.
This theme of relationality is developed in subsequent chapters with respect to
the ethics of individual traditions and in relation to issues such as the ethics
of transplants and the need for an ecological ethic. And indeed an increasing
focus on relationality will undoubtedly also be a dominant theme in
inter-religious encounter in the twenty-first century.
The wider questions of
religion and ethics having been delineated, the next section of the volume
focuses on specific religious traditions in both the West and the East. Elliot
Dorff offers a comprehensive look at ethics and morality in Judaism, exploring
the Jewish version of Divine Command theory and the values that shape
individual Jews, the Jewish community, and Jewish ethical decision making - the
integrated and positive understanding of the body which ultimately belongs to
God, the meaning of all people being created in the image of God, and the importance
of family, education, and community. Zayn Kassam then turns to the Islamic
tradition, exploring the resources for ethical decision making within Islam,
particularly with regard to matters not addressed directly in the Qur'an. She
then takes up two issues that specifically harm women within some Islamic
cultures and which are often justified as "Islamic" - female genital
mutilation and honor killings - and shows both how culture and religion become
entangled and how, using fundamentally Islamic strategies of ethical decision
making as well as the Qur'an, these practices might be challenged.
The latter two essays
in this section address Christianity. Nathan Tierney explores traditional
understandings of the soul in the face of the challenges of modern science,
advocating a non-reductionist evolutionary notion of the self in a move to heal
the split between the spiritual and the material, the body and the soul, and to
affirm the interrelationality of the human - a fundamental shift in worldview
which would have serious and important implications for Christian ethical
practice. Philip Rossi analyzes the redefinition and relativizing of life's
meaning in contemporary society, leaving little room for other-directed action
and little motivation for ethical living in a culture of unconcern. He then
suggests that Christianity and other religious traditions must offer a voice of
challenge in the midst of this crisis of indifference through a re-imagining
and reawakening of an awareness of the spiritual dimension (and higher
callings) of human beings and of a Transcendent Reality beyond the human.
Having examined
aspects of ethics and religion in the West, we then turn to the East. Vasudha
Narayanan details the concept of dharma as it relates to ethics in
Hinduism and examines how the laws recorded in dharma shastra texts play out in
real life situations, specifically in the context of renunciation and
reproduction. Dale Wright turns to Buddhism and the cultivation of the six
perfections (generosity, morality, patience, energy, meditation, and wisdom)
that characterize the ideal Buddhist and are epitomized by the lay bodhisattva
Vimalakirti. He demonstrates in a powerful way how Buddhist understandings of
dependent co-origination shape notions of ethical responsibility through the
words of Thich Nhat Hanh, who claimed a responsibility for the beating of
Rodney King by police in Los Angeles in 1991. Christopher Key Chapple then
introduces us to Jain purification practices and vows, undergirded by a deep
commitment to nonviolence. Ethical concerns for other beings drive these Jain
ascetic practices, and their nonviolence extends also to a nonviolent approach
to those holding other religious views, as the example of Haribhadra makes
clear, and to a commitment to fight violence on a global scale. In the final
chapter in this section, John Berthrong gives us a window onto the current
conversations within Confucianism as adherents ask themselves what shape their
tradition will take in the coming century. A fundamental call for the active
development of "concern-consciousness" in addition to
"civility" emerges from recent gatherings in China.
Having explored these
separate traditions, we then turn to the ways in which different religious
traditions might challenge and assist each other in the face of pressing
ethical concerns. Daniel Smith-Christopher examines the strategies used by
Jews, Christians, and Muslims as they look to their own scriptures for support
for nonviolence, suggesting that the Christian strategy of developmental
evolution from violence to nonviolence within the tradition may not be the best
- sawing off the branch on which one is sitting so to speak - and that the
uncovering of elements of nonviolence throughout the history of the tradition,
including the early Hebrew scriptures (as he finds in Jewish and Muslim
commentaries), appears a more promising strategy.
William LaFleur
explores the issue of organ transplantation in medical ethics, showing how
Christians and Jews in American readily and almost unquestioningly embraced
this practice in the 1960s (in spite of earlier understandings of a connection
between the bodily integrity of a corpse and resurrection and considerable
differences between the two traditions with regard to attitudes toward the
body, as Elliot Dorff makes clear in chapter 4). LaFleur clearly demonstrates
that the issue is not so cut and dried, by contrasting it with Japanese
Buddhist/Confucian opposition toward cadaveric transplantation, fundamentally
in terms of the violation of relationships, and through careful examination of
the actual arguments given for it, particularly by Joseph Fletcher, identifying
organ donation as the epitome of agape or unconditional love in the Christian
case.
Vrinda Dalmiya takes
the opposite tack, addressing a problem within feminist care ethics of
"caring" action potentially contributing to the self-sacrifice and
oppression of the care-giver. She draws on classical Indian traditions to
enrich the understanding of care, through a retelling of several episodes from
the classic Hindu epic of the Mahabharata and a detailed examination of
a parallel term to Western notions of care - anukrosha. In so doing, she
offers an alternative vision of autonomous and uncoerced action that
strengthens rather than denigrates the individual and radically alters the way
moral imperatives play out, again with an emphasis on the fundamental
importance of relationships in ethical considerations.
In the final section
of the volume, Brian Hebblethwaite, Mary Evelyn Tucker, and C. Ram-Prasad
explore the global implications of particular traditions. Hebblethwaite begins
by offering a comprehensive account of the discussions within Christianity over
whether there is a genuine Christian social ethic at all and then what might be
unique about it and where common ground might be found with other religious
ethics and with secular ethics. He concludes with an exploration of the place
of religion generally and Christian ethics specifically in the context of
global ethical consensus and action. Mary Evelyn Tucker addresses the
environmental crisis and explores how the fundamental understandings of the
nature of the world in terms of the holistic qi (matter-energy or vital
force) and the structuring principles of li found in Confucianism might
provide useful insight for the restructuring of human attitudes toward the
non-human world which is essential to creating a global environmental ethic.
The volume concludes with C. Ram-Prasad's explication of the Jaina doctrine of anekantavada
or "multiplism" as a possible way to approach inter-religious
understanding and moral pluralism with an ethic of toleration and nonviolence.
In their exploration
of the confluence of religion and ethics, the essays in this volume contribute
significantly toward advancing these newest directions in inter-religious
understanding - the generation of ethical insight when issues are viewed from
alternative religious worldviews, the deepening perception of the fundamental
relationality of humans and the world embedded in and affirmed by the teachings
of diverse religions, and the exploration of the specific and vital
contribution that the world's religions might and indeed must make in the realm
of ethical action in our increasingly global world.